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These men were probably not averse to delay and
certainly cannot have been very enthusiastic.

In May, 1281, the flotilla from Korea appeared off Tsushima.
Unfortunately, the annals of medieval Japan are singularly reticent
as to the details of battles. There are no materials for constructing
a story of the events that occurred on the Tsushima shores, more than
six centuries ago. We do not even know what force the defenders of
the island mustered. But that they were much more numerous than on
the previous occasion, seven years before, is certain. Already, in
1280, Tokimune had obtained from Buddhist sources information of the
Mongol preparations--preparations so extensive that the felling of
timber to make ships inspired a Chinese poem in which the green hills
were depicted as mourning for their trees--and he would not have
failed to garrison strongly a position so cardinal as the midchannel
island of Tsushima. It was not reduced. The enemy were able to effect
a lodgement, but could not overrun the island or put its defenders to
the sword, as had been done in 1274. The Korean ships remained at
Tsushima awaiting the arrival of the Chinese flotilla. They lost
three thousand men from sickness during this interval, and were
talking of retreat when the van of the southern armada hove in sight.
A junction was effected off the coast of Iki island, and the garrison
of this little place having been destroyed on June 10th, the combined
forces stood over towards Kyushu and landed at various places along
the coast of Chikuzen, making Hakozaki Bay their base.

Such a choice of locality was bad, for it was precisely along the
shores of this bay that the Japanese had erected fortifications. They
were not very formidable fortifications, it is true. The bushi of
these days knew nothing about bastions, curtains, glacis, or cognate
refinements of military engineering. They simply built a stone wall
to block the foe's advance, and did not even adopt the precaution of
protecting their flanks. But neither did they fall into the error of
acting entirely on the defensive. On the contrary, they attacked
alike on shore and at sea. Their boats were much smaller than those
of the invaders, but the advantage in dash and daring was all on the
side of the Japanese. So furious were their onsets, and so deadly was
the execution they wrought with their trenchant swords at close
quarters, that the enemy were fain to lash their ships together and
lay planks between them for purposes of speedy concentration. It is
most improbable that either the Korean or the Chinese elements of the
invading army had any heart for the work, whereas on the side of the
defenders there are records of whole families volunteering to serve
at the front. During fifty-three days the campaign continued; that is
to say, from June 23rd, when the first landing was effected, until
August 14th, when a tornado swept off the face of the sea the main
part of the Yuan armada.

No account has been preserved, either traditionally or historically,
of the incidents or phases of the long fight. We know that the
invaders occupied the island of Hirado and landed in Hizen a strong
force intended to turn the flank of the Hakozaki Bay parapet. We
know, inferentially, that they never succeeded in turning it. We know
that, after nearly two months of incessant combat, the Yuan armies
had made no sensible impression on the Japanese resistance or
established any footing upon Japanese soil. We know that, on August
the 14th and 15th, there burst on the shores of Kyushu a tempest
which shattered nearly the whole of the Chinese flotilla. And we know
that the brunt of the loss fell on the Chinese contingent, some
twelve thousand of whom were made slaves. But no such momentous
chapter of history has ever been traced in rougher outlines. The
annalist is compelled to confine himself to marshalling general
results. It was certainly a stupendous disaster for the Yuan arms.
Yet Kublai was not content; he would have essayed the task again had
not trouble nearer home diverted his attention from Japan. The Island
Empire had thus the honour of being practically the only state in the
Orient that did not present tribute to the all-conquering Mongols.

But, by a strangely wayward fate, these victories over a foreign
invader brought embarrassment to the Hojo rulers rather than renown.
In the first place, there could not be any relaxation of the
extraordinary preparations which such incidents dictated. Kublai's
successor, Timur, lost no time in countermanding all measures for a
renewed attack on Japan, and even adopted the plan of commissioning
Buddhist priests to persuade the Bakufu of China's pacific
intentions. One of these emissaries, Nei-issan (Chinese
pronunciation, Ning I-shan), settled permanently in Japan, and his
holy ministrations as a Zen-shu propagandist won universal respect.
But the Bakufu did not relax their precautions, and for more than a
score of years a heavy burden of expense had to be borne on this
account.

Further, when the wave of invasion broke on the shores of Kyushu, the
Court in Kyoto set the example of appealing to the assistance of
heaven. Prayers were offered, liturgies were chanted, and incense was
burned at many temples and shrines throughout the empire. Several of
the priests did not hesitate to assert that their supplications had
elicited signs and portents indicating supernatural aid. Rich rewards
were bestowed in recognition of these services, whereas, on the
contrary, the recompense given to the soldiers who had fought so
gallantly and doggedly to beat off a foreign foe was comparatively
petty. Means of recompensing them were scant. When Yoritomo overthrew
the Taira, the estates of the latter were divided among his followers
and co-operators. After the Shokyu disturbance, the property of the
Court nobles served a similar purpose. But the repulse of the Mongols
brought no access of wealth to the victors, and for the first time
military merit had to go unrequited while substantial grants were
made to the servants of religion. The Bakufu, fully conscious of this
dangerous discrepancy, saw no resource except to order that strict
surveys should be made of many of the great estates, with a view to
their delimitation and reduction, if possible. This, however, was a
slow progress, and the umbrage that it caused was more than
commensurate with the results that accrued. Thus, to the Bakufu the
consequences of a war which should have strengthened allegiance and
gratitude were, on the contrary, injurious and weakening.

ENGRAVING: FIVE STRING BIWA (JAPANESE MANDOLIN)

ENGRAVING: KOTO, 13-STRINGED HORIZONTAL HARP



CHAPTER XXVIII

ART, RELIGION, LITERATURE, CUSTOMS, AND COMMERCE IN THE KAMAKURA
PERIOD

ART

From the establishment of the Bakufu, Japanese art separated into two
schools, that of Kamakura and that of Kyoto. The latter centered in
the Imperial Court, the former in the Court of the Hojo. Taken
originally from Chinese masters of the Sui and Tang dynasties, the
Kyoto art ultimately developed into the Japanese national school,
whereas the Kamakura art, borrowed from the academies of Sung and
Yuan, became the favourite of the literary classes and preserved its
Chinese traditions. Speaking broadly, the art of Kyoto showed a
decorative tendency, whereas that of Kamakura took landscape and
seascape chiefly for motives, and, delighting in the melancholy
aspects of nature, appealed most to the student and the cenobite.
This distinction could be traced in calligraphy, painting,
architecture, and horticulture. Hitherto penmanship in Kyoto had
taken for models the style of Kobo Daishi and Ono no Tofu. This was
called o-ie-fu (domestic fashion), and had a graceful and cursive
character. But the Kamakura calligraphists followed the pure Chinese
mode (karayo), as exemplified by the Buddhist priests, Sogen (Chu
Yuan) and Ichinei (I Ning).

In Kyoto, painting was represented by the schools of Koze, Kasuga,
Sumiyoshi, and Tosa; in Kamakura, its masters were Ma Yuan, Hsia
Kwei, and Mu Hsi, who represented the pure Southern Academy of China,
and who were followed by Sesshu, Kao, and Shubun. So, too, the art of
horticulture, though there the change was a transition from the stiff
and comparatively artificial fashion of the no-niwa (moor garden) to
the pure landscape park, ultimately developed into a Japanese
specialty. Tradition ascribes to a Chinese bonze, who called himself
Nei-issan (or Ichinei), the planning of the first landscape garden,
properly so designated in Japan. He arrived in Kyushu, under the name
of I Ning, as a delegate from Kublai Khan in the days of Hojo
Sadatoki, and was banished, at first, to the province of Izu.
Subsequently, however, the Bakufu invited him to Kamakura and
assigned the temple Kencho-ji for his residence and place of
ministrations. It was there that he designed the first landscape
garden, furnishing suggestions which are still regarded as models.

LITERATURE

The conservatism of the Imperial city is conspicuously illustrated in
the realm of literature. Careful perusal of the well-known work,
Masukagami, shows that from year's end to year's end the same
pastimes were enjoyed, the same studies pursued The composition of
poetry took precedence of everything. Eminent among the poetasters of
the twelfth century was the Emperor Go-Toba. The littérateurs of his
era looked up to him as the arbiter elegantiarum, especially in the
domain of Japanese versification. Even more renown attached to
Fujiwara no Toshinari, whose nom de plume was Shunzei, and who earned
the title of the "Matchless Master." His son, Sadaiye, was well-nigh
equally famous under the name of Teika.

After the Shokyu disturbance (1221), the empire enjoyed a long spell
of peace under the able and upright sway of the Hojo, and during that
time it became the custom to compile anthologies. The first to essay
that task was Teika. Grieving that the poets of his time had begun to
prefer affectation and elegance to sincerity and simplicity, he
withdrew to a secluded villa on Mount Ogura, and there selected, a
hundred poems by as many of the ancient authors.



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