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This martial
parade is said to have produced a great effect upon the nobles of the
Kinai and the western provinces. But Ieyasu did not long retain the
office of shogun. In 1605, he conveyed to the Imperial Court his
desire to be relieved of military functions, in favour of his son
Hidetada, and the Emperor at once consented, so that Hidetada
succeeded to all the offices of his father, and Ieyasu retired to the
castle of Sumpu, the capital of Suruga. His income was thenceforth
reduced to 120,000 koku annually, derived from estates in the
provinces of Mino, Ise, and Omi. But this retirement was in form
rather than in fact. All administrative affairs, great or small, were
managed in Sumpu, the shogun in Yedo exercising merely the power of
sanction. Ieyasu made, frequent journeys to Yedo under the pretext of
hawking but in reality for government purposes.
THE YEDO BAKUFU
It was on the 30th of August, 1590, that Ieyasu made his first formal
entry into Yedo from Sumpu. Yedo Castle had previously been occupied
by an agent of the Hojo clan. It was very small, and its surroundings
consisted of barren plains and a few fishing villages. On the
northwest was the moor of Musashi, and on the southeast a forest of
reeds marked the littoral of Yedo Bay. The first task that devolved
upon Ieyasu was the reclamation of land for building purposes. Some
substantial work was done, yet the place did not suggest any fitness
for the purpose of an administrative centre, and not until the battle
of Sekigahara placed him in command of immense resources, did Ieyasu
decide to make Yedo his capital. He then had large recourse to labour
requisitioned from the feudatories. By these means hills were
levelled, swamps reclaimed, and embankments built, so that the whole
aspect of the region was changed, and sites were provided for the
residences of various barons and for the establishment of shops and
stores whose owners flocked to the new city from Osaka, Kyoto, and
other towns. Thereafter, a castle of colossal dimensions, exceeding
even the Osaka fortress in magnitude and magnificence, was rapidly
constructed, the feudatories being required to supply labour and
materials in a measure which almost overtaxed their resources.
Historians differ as to the exact date of the establishment of the
Yedo Bakufu, but the best authorities are agreed that the event should
be reckoned from the battle of Sekigahara, since then, for the first
time, the administrative power came into the hand of the Tokugawa
baron, he having previously been simply the head of a board
instituted by the Taiko. There can be no doubt, that in choosing Yedo
for his capital, Ieyasu was largely guided by the example of Yoritomo
and by the experience of the Ashikaga. Kamakura had been a success as
signal as Muromachi had been a failure. In the former, Ieyasu had
much to imitate; in the latter, much to avoid. We have seen that he
distributed the estates of the feudatories so as to create a system
automatically unfavourable to disturbance, in which contrivance he
borrowed and extended the ideas of Nobunaga and Hideyoshi. It remains
to note that what Hojo Tokimasa and Oye Hiromoto were to Minamoto
Yoritomo as advisers and organizers, and what Ashikaga Tadayoshi and
Kono Moronao were to Ashikaga Takauji in the same roles, such, also,
were Honda Masanobu and Honda Masazumi to Tokugawa Ieyasu.
HIDEYORI AND IEYASU
In May, 1605, Hideyori was nominated u-daijin. At that time the
nation was divided pretty evenly into two factors; one obedient to
the Tokugawa, the other disposed to await Hideyori's coming of age,
which event was expected to restore the authority of the Toyotomi
family. Fukushima Masanori and Kato Kiyomasa were the most
enthusiastic believers in the latter forecast. Up to that time Ieyasu
had not given any definite indication of the attitude he intended to
assume towards the Taiko's heir. It was not till the year 1611 that
he found an opportunity of forming a first-hand estimate of
Hideyori's character. He then had a meeting with the latter at Nijo
Castle, and is said to have been much struck with the bearing and
intelligence of Hideyori. In fact, whereas common report had spoken
in very disparaging terms of the young man's capacities--Hideyori was
then seventeen years old--the Tokugawa chief found a dignified and
alert lad whose aspect suggested that if he was suffered to remain in
possession of Osaka a few years longer, Yedo would run the risk of
being relegated to a secondary place.
Ieyasu after that interview is said to have felt like "a man who,
having still a long distance to travel, finds himself enveloped in
darkness." He saw that the time for considering justice and humanity
had passed, and he summoned Honda Masanobu to whom he said: "I see
that Hideyori is grown up to be a son worthy of his father. By and by
it will be difficult for such a man to remain subservient to
another." Masanobu, whom history describes as the "Tokugawa's
storehouse of wisdom," is recorded to have replied: "So I, too,
think, but there is no cause for anxiety. I have an idea." What this
idea was events soon disclosed. Summoning one of the officials in the
service of Hideyori's wife--Hidetada's daughter--Masanobu spoke as
follows: "Hideyori is the only son of the late Taiko and it is the
desire of the O-gosho" (the title given to Ieyasu after his
retirement from the shogunate) "that he, Hideyori, should have a
numerous and thriving family. Therefore, if any woman takes his
fancy, she must be enrolled among his attendants to whatever class
she may belong. Moreover, if there be among these ladies any who show
jealousies or make disturbances, no complaint need be preferred to
the O-gosho. I will undertake to settle the matter."
From that time Hideyori lived among women. A word may here be said
about the marriage between Hideyori and the granddaughter of Ieyasu,
the bride and the bridegroom alike being mere children. According to
a recognized historical authority, writing in the Tokugawa Jidaishi,
such marriages were inspired by one or more of the following motives:
(1) that the bride or bridegroom should serve as a hostage; (2) that
the wedding should contribute to cement an alliance between the
families of the bride and the bridegroom; (3) that the wedding should
become a means of spying into the affairs of one of the families; (4)
that it should be an instrument for sowing seeds of enmity between
the two families. The objects of Ieyasu in wedding his granddaughter
at seven years of age to Hideyori at eleven were doubtless of the
nature indicated in the third and fourth of the above definitions. On
the one hand, he seemed to the Osaka party to be conforming to the
will of the Taiko; on the other, he was able to introduce into the
household of Hideyori an unlimited number of spies among the retinue
of his granddaughter.
KATAGIRI KATSUMOTO
Just before his death, Hideyoshi specially conjured Koide Hidemasa
and Katagiri Katsumoto to labour for the safety of the Toyotomi
family. Hidemasa soon followed his patron to the grave, and the duty
of managing the affairs of the family devolved entirely upon
Katsumoto in his capacity of administrator (bugyo). He devoted
himself to the task with the utmost sincerity and earnestness, and he
made it the basic principle of his policy to preserve harmony between
the Tokugawa and the Toyotomi. His belief was that Ieyasu had not
many years more to live, and that on his demise the administrative
power would revert wholly to Hideyori as a natural consequence. Hence
the wisest course was to avoid any collision in the meanwhile.
THE OATH OF FEALTY
On the 14th of May, 1601, that is to say, shortly after the battle of
Sekigahara, all the feudatories were invited to subscribe a written
oath of loyalty to the Tokugawa. This oath consisted of three
articles. The first was a promise to observe strictly all
instructions issued by the Bakufu in Yedo. The second was an
engagement not to harbour or protect any person who had either
violated or opposed the will of the shogun. The third was a pledge
not to give employment to any samurai reported to be a traitor or an
assassin. By these stipulations the signatories swore to abide
strictly, and declared that any violation of the provisions of the
oath would render the violator liable to severe punishment. Among the
signatories there were not found any members of the Osaka party.
These put forward the last will of the Taiko as a reason for refusing
to sign, and from that time it became evident that the situation must
terminate in an armed struggle.
ONO HARUNAGA
Among the Osaka partisans was one called Ono Harunaga, the son of the
lady Yodo's nurse. This youth led a life of great profligacy, and
although not wanting in any of the attributes of the samurai, he
altogether lacked political insight. Thus, his relations with
Katsumoto were strained, and Harunaga constantly essayed to undermine
Katsumoto's influence. Hideyori himself did not want for ability, but
acting by the advice of his mother, Yodo, and of his friend,
Harunaga, he adopted a false policy of opposition to Ieyasu.
STATE OF OSAKA
The fact that the feudatories who called themselves friends of the
Osaka party had refused to sign the oath of fealty, and the fact that
the lady Yodo and Harunaga threw their influence into the
anti-Tokugawa scale, had the effect of isolating Osaka so far as the
laws of the Bakufu were concerned. Men who had broken those laws or
otherwise offended against the shogun took refuge in Osaka. Such was
the case with the son of Hosokawa Tadaoki; with Goto Matabei, chief
vassal of Kuroda Nagamasa, and with Nambu Saemon, principal retainer
of Nambu Nobunao. These three and many others repaired to the castle
of Osaka, and being there secure against any unarmed attempt of the
Tokugawa to arrest them, they virtually defied Ieyasu's control. By
degrees a constant stream of ronin, or free-lances, flowed into that
city, and a conspicuous element among its inhabitants consisted of
Christian feudatories, who, regardless of the edicts of the Bakufu,
openly preached their faith and were in no wise checked by the
Toyotomi rulers.
parade is said to have produced a great effect upon the nobles of the
Kinai and the western provinces. But Ieyasu did not long retain the
office of shogun. In 1605, he conveyed to the Imperial Court his
desire to be relieved of military functions, in favour of his son
Hidetada, and the Emperor at once consented, so that Hidetada
succeeded to all the offices of his father, and Ieyasu retired to the
castle of Sumpu, the capital of Suruga. His income was thenceforth
reduced to 120,000 koku annually, derived from estates in the
provinces of Mino, Ise, and Omi. But this retirement was in form
rather than in fact. All administrative affairs, great or small, were
managed in Sumpu, the shogun in Yedo exercising merely the power of
sanction. Ieyasu made, frequent journeys to Yedo under the pretext of
hawking but in reality for government purposes.
THE YEDO BAKUFU
It was on the 30th of August, 1590, that Ieyasu made his first formal
entry into Yedo from Sumpu. Yedo Castle had previously been occupied
by an agent of the Hojo clan. It was very small, and its surroundings
consisted of barren plains and a few fishing villages. On the
northwest was the moor of Musashi, and on the southeast a forest of
reeds marked the littoral of Yedo Bay. The first task that devolved
upon Ieyasu was the reclamation of land for building purposes. Some
substantial work was done, yet the place did not suggest any fitness
for the purpose of an administrative centre, and not until the battle
of Sekigahara placed him in command of immense resources, did Ieyasu
decide to make Yedo his capital. He then had large recourse to labour
requisitioned from the feudatories. By these means hills were
levelled, swamps reclaimed, and embankments built, so that the whole
aspect of the region was changed, and sites were provided for the
residences of various barons and for the establishment of shops and
stores whose owners flocked to the new city from Osaka, Kyoto, and
other towns. Thereafter, a castle of colossal dimensions, exceeding
even the Osaka fortress in magnitude and magnificence, was rapidly
constructed, the feudatories being required to supply labour and
materials in a measure which almost overtaxed their resources.
Historians differ as to the exact date of the establishment of the
Yedo Bakufu, but the best authorities are agreed that the event should
be reckoned from the battle of Sekigahara, since then, for the first
time, the administrative power came into the hand of the Tokugawa
baron, he having previously been simply the head of a board
instituted by the Taiko. There can be no doubt, that in choosing Yedo
for his capital, Ieyasu was largely guided by the example of Yoritomo
and by the experience of the Ashikaga. Kamakura had been a success as
signal as Muromachi had been a failure. In the former, Ieyasu had
much to imitate; in the latter, much to avoid. We have seen that he
distributed the estates of the feudatories so as to create a system
automatically unfavourable to disturbance, in which contrivance he
borrowed and extended the ideas of Nobunaga and Hideyoshi. It remains
to note that what Hojo Tokimasa and Oye Hiromoto were to Minamoto
Yoritomo as advisers and organizers, and what Ashikaga Tadayoshi and
Kono Moronao were to Ashikaga Takauji in the same roles, such, also,
were Honda Masanobu and Honda Masazumi to Tokugawa Ieyasu.
HIDEYORI AND IEYASU
In May, 1605, Hideyori was nominated u-daijin. At that time the
nation was divided pretty evenly into two factors; one obedient to
the Tokugawa, the other disposed to await Hideyori's coming of age,
which event was expected to restore the authority of the Toyotomi
family. Fukushima Masanori and Kato Kiyomasa were the most
enthusiastic believers in the latter forecast. Up to that time Ieyasu
had not given any definite indication of the attitude he intended to
assume towards the Taiko's heir. It was not till the year 1611 that
he found an opportunity of forming a first-hand estimate of
Hideyori's character. He then had a meeting with the latter at Nijo
Castle, and is said to have been much struck with the bearing and
intelligence of Hideyori. In fact, whereas common report had spoken
in very disparaging terms of the young man's capacities--Hideyori was
then seventeen years old--the Tokugawa chief found a dignified and
alert lad whose aspect suggested that if he was suffered to remain in
possession of Osaka a few years longer, Yedo would run the risk of
being relegated to a secondary place.
Ieyasu after that interview is said to have felt like "a man who,
having still a long distance to travel, finds himself enveloped in
darkness." He saw that the time for considering justice and humanity
had passed, and he summoned Honda Masanobu to whom he said: "I see
that Hideyori is grown up to be a son worthy of his father. By and by
it will be difficult for such a man to remain subservient to
another." Masanobu, whom history describes as the "Tokugawa's
storehouse of wisdom," is recorded to have replied: "So I, too,
think, but there is no cause for anxiety. I have an idea." What this
idea was events soon disclosed. Summoning one of the officials in the
service of Hideyori's wife--Hidetada's daughter--Masanobu spoke as
follows: "Hideyori is the only son of the late Taiko and it is the
desire of the O-gosho" (the title given to Ieyasu after his
retirement from the shogunate) "that he, Hideyori, should have a
numerous and thriving family. Therefore, if any woman takes his
fancy, she must be enrolled among his attendants to whatever class
she may belong. Moreover, if there be among these ladies any who show
jealousies or make disturbances, no complaint need be preferred to
the O-gosho. I will undertake to settle the matter."
From that time Hideyori lived among women. A word may here be said
about the marriage between Hideyori and the granddaughter of Ieyasu,
the bride and the bridegroom alike being mere children. According to
a recognized historical authority, writing in the Tokugawa Jidaishi,
such marriages were inspired by one or more of the following motives:
(1) that the bride or bridegroom should serve as a hostage; (2) that
the wedding should contribute to cement an alliance between the
families of the bride and the bridegroom; (3) that the wedding should
become a means of spying into the affairs of one of the families; (4)
that it should be an instrument for sowing seeds of enmity between
the two families. The objects of Ieyasu in wedding his granddaughter
at seven years of age to Hideyori at eleven were doubtless of the
nature indicated in the third and fourth of the above definitions. On
the one hand, he seemed to the Osaka party to be conforming to the
will of the Taiko; on the other, he was able to introduce into the
household of Hideyori an unlimited number of spies among the retinue
of his granddaughter.
KATAGIRI KATSUMOTO
Just before his death, Hideyoshi specially conjured Koide Hidemasa
and Katagiri Katsumoto to labour for the safety of the Toyotomi
family. Hidemasa soon followed his patron to the grave, and the duty
of managing the affairs of the family devolved entirely upon
Katsumoto in his capacity of administrator (bugyo). He devoted
himself to the task with the utmost sincerity and earnestness, and he
made it the basic principle of his policy to preserve harmony between
the Tokugawa and the Toyotomi. His belief was that Ieyasu had not
many years more to live, and that on his demise the administrative
power would revert wholly to Hideyori as a natural consequence. Hence
the wisest course was to avoid any collision in the meanwhile.
THE OATH OF FEALTY
On the 14th of May, 1601, that is to say, shortly after the battle of
Sekigahara, all the feudatories were invited to subscribe a written
oath of loyalty to the Tokugawa. This oath consisted of three
articles. The first was a promise to observe strictly all
instructions issued by the Bakufu in Yedo. The second was an
engagement not to harbour or protect any person who had either
violated or opposed the will of the shogun. The third was a pledge
not to give employment to any samurai reported to be a traitor or an
assassin. By these stipulations the signatories swore to abide
strictly, and declared that any violation of the provisions of the
oath would render the violator liable to severe punishment. Among the
signatories there were not found any members of the Osaka party.
These put forward the last will of the Taiko as a reason for refusing
to sign, and from that time it became evident that the situation must
terminate in an armed struggle.
ONO HARUNAGA
Among the Osaka partisans was one called Ono Harunaga, the son of the
lady Yodo's nurse. This youth led a life of great profligacy, and
although not wanting in any of the attributes of the samurai, he
altogether lacked political insight. Thus, his relations with
Katsumoto were strained, and Harunaga constantly essayed to undermine
Katsumoto's influence. Hideyori himself did not want for ability, but
acting by the advice of his mother, Yodo, and of his friend,
Harunaga, he adopted a false policy of opposition to Ieyasu.
STATE OF OSAKA
The fact that the feudatories who called themselves friends of the
Osaka party had refused to sign the oath of fealty, and the fact that
the lady Yodo and Harunaga threw their influence into the
anti-Tokugawa scale, had the effect of isolating Osaka so far as the
laws of the Bakufu were concerned. Men who had broken those laws or
otherwise offended against the shogun took refuge in Osaka. Such was
the case with the son of Hosokawa Tadaoki; with Goto Matabei, chief
vassal of Kuroda Nagamasa, and with Nambu Saemon, principal retainer
of Nambu Nobunao. These three and many others repaired to the castle
of Osaka, and being there secure against any unarmed attempt of the
Tokugawa to arrest them, they virtually defied Ieyasu's control. By
degrees a constant stream of ronin, or free-lances, flowed into that
city, and a conspicuous element among its inhabitants consisted of
Christian feudatories, who, regardless of the edicts of the Bakufu,
openly preached their faith and were in no wise checked by the
Toyotomi rulers.
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